A movement that can win

Here's the final part of my in-depth Counterfire article on the People's Assembly.

Let's outline - more positively - the potential of the People's Assembly, and the way socialists can utilise it to take the whole anti-cuts movement to a higher level. A few key points should be stressed.

1) The single greatest task for the movement at present is to overcome fragmentation, localism and sectionalism by providing co-ordination, including national-level forms of protest. We need to strike at the heart of austerity policies, which is the government. We need a coalition with such broad forces and such social weight that it can offer people a sense that we really can make a difference. Leaving protests at the local level, allowing campaigns to be separated from each other and keeping the movement narrow or divided are all recipes for defeat.

2) The 22 June event has to be seen as a springboard not only for action, but for the long-term national and local coalitions needed to call and deliver protests in the future. This is a process, not merely an event, one that has to be sustained and taken to higher levels of action.

3) If we want more co-ordinated strike action then we need to strengthen the unions by linking them with the rest of the movement in large-scale action. The push for strike action is not simply a matter of what trade unionists do within their unions; it is a matter for the whole movement. A bolder, bigger and broader movement on the streets raises the likelihood of renewed national strike action, feeding into the unions and the confidence of their members.

4) A national co-ordinating body is an essential pre-condition for serious international co-ordination. Austerity is Europe-wide and so is the opposition. With the European Union figuring prominently in current domestic political debate - but in a way that is shaped by right-wing arguments, from both Tories and Ukip - it is more necessary than ever to develop a common, continent-wide front against the disaster of austerity, which in some countries is even more devastating than in Britain.

5) The People's Assembly - not just the event itself, but as a continuing coalition - is the best context in which the left can promote its arguments, slogans and demands. This is the central way to build a stronger left-wing pole in British politics and society and shift the terms of mainstream debate. Extra-parliamentary activity, not electoral politics, is where we are at our strongest. It is, if you will, our counterweight to Ukip. A mass movement is the framework for articulating an alternative set of ideas: taxing the rich and pursuing the tax evaders, investing in jobs, transport and the green economy, scrapping the wasteful spending on weapons and war, countering the myths about immigrants or 'scroungers' being the source of our problems, democratising the banks and challenging the rule of finance capital.

No other strategy or initiative can come close to delivering all this. That is why the People's Assembly is not merely a nice idea or a worthwhile event, but the main basis for co-ordinating resistance to cuts for some time to come. We have to make it work. The stakes are too high for us to fail.

Share

People's Assembly: we need unity to beat austerity

This was first published on Counterfire.

The People's Assembly is a historic opportunity to shape a united, national anti-cuts movement that can turn the tide against austerity. 22 June will bring together everyone from NHS campaigners to leading trade unionists, from anti-bedroom tax activists to left-wing Labour MPs

The potential of the People's Assembly

The People's Assembly is expected to use the breadth and depth of the movement represented on the day to  become a launch pad for co-ordinated mobilisations such as solidarity actions with NUT and PCS strikers, a national demonstration, a day of local protests and regional people's assemblies throughout the country. It can become a turning point in creating the kind of national coalition we sorely need, launching the sort of action that can win results and generating greater confidence to resist among millions of people opposed to cuts.

It is a hopeful sign that there are already rallies and public meetings taking place in many areas in the run-up to 22 June, as these can help develop a mass movement after the Westminster event. We need more of these local meetings.

Owen Jones summed it up for many when he referred to the anger over cuts not yet being matched by hope, writing that hope - and the confidence to take action that comes with it - is precisely what the People's Assembly can offer. His fellow columnist Mark Steel drew a hugely enthusiastic response when he wrote about the millions of people shouting abuse at politicians on television, feeling isolated in their rage and frustration, but pointing to the Assembly as the way to pull those people together into a movement. Over three years into this Tory-led government, it reflects the weaknesses of the left and the trade unions that we are only doing this now.

The Assembly is especially vital because of the nature of austerity, and of the resistance to it. Although austerity is a coherent project driven by central government, it manifests itself in a plethora of 'single issues' and specific cuts, many of them at local level. Unsurprisingly, therefore, a great deal of the opposition has been focused on particular cuts and policies. Such protests and campaigns are necessary and extremely welcome, but also limited. The fragmentation of the movement can only be overcome through a broad-based national event like the People's Assembly, supplemented by a commitment to sustain co-operation in the long term.

There are, however, differences of opinion over what the People's Assembly represents, and what it can offer. Criticisms come from those who simply reject the People's Assembly, but also - in more muted or ambivalent fashion - from those who give it only lukewarm support. The notion, which I am arguing for here - that it should be the central strategic priority for the left - is a highly contested one. This debate has its specific features - to do with the People's Assembly itself - but differences over these features are linked to deeper differences over political strategy, especially the question of what is often called the united front method. I will address this below.

A radical movement

Broadly speaking, there are three types of criticism of the People's Assembly (which are often closely linked). Firstly, the idea that it is in some sense too moderate. This takes various forms, but they all depend upon sloganeering and position-taking rather than serious, practical thinking about what is possible.

One version of this criticism is that it will only result in 'A to B marches', and what is needed is more 'militant' action. Another line is that what's really needed is a general strike and as the Assembly can't deliver that, it is of limited value. Yet another view is that any political radicalism will be fatally compromised by being too broad, either because of the participation of Labour MPs or due to the role of trade union leaders.

The first of these positions is predicated on the idea that small-scale militancy is preferable to large-scale mobilisations such as marches and strikes. Yet successful mass movements throughout history have been built on the basis of the latter type of protests. This doesn't mean they have been limited to large-scale marches and rallies, but that such forms of protests have enabled mass participation, created powerful coalitions, and lifted the confidence of large numbers of people. When more militant 'direct action' does take place it is bigger and more effective due to developing in the context of a genuinely mass movement. This is a key lesson of the anti-poll tax and anti-Iraq war movements. For the anti-cuts movement such large-scale national action is particularly essential precisely because central government is the source of austerity and needs to be challenged directly.

The 'general strike now!' line, meanwhile, is an example of starting from an ideal picture of resistance rather than from where we actually are. We desperately need a greater level of strike action than at present, and it will be more effective if nationwide and co-ordinated across unions. The People’s Assembly has, in any case, already – in the statement launching the initiative – endorsed the TUC’s resolution in looking into the possibility of further co-ordinated mass strike action.

But limiting ourselves to calls for a general strike fails to recognise the existing strengths of our movement, which are in street-based protesting and campaigning, more than in strike action. It also fails to consider how the People's Assembly - and, more importantly, co-ordinated actions emanating from it - might provide steps towards a 'mass strike' scenario becoming a reality. And, crucially, it doesn't acknowledge that while trade unionists have a particularly pivotal role to play in fighting austerity, they are not the sum total of the broad movement.

The idea that involvement from some, supposedly more moderate, elements of the movement is a barrier to radicalism can be easily dismissed. If we are serious about stopping cuts we need to unite the widest possible layers in common discussion and action. In particular we need to involve people who at least partially look to Labour for a response to the Tory-led government's cuts; most such people are, it's worth noting, highly critical of Ed Miliband's weak opposition to cuts. Many millions of working class people will, however, vote Labour at the next general election. If they do not form a major part of the anti-cuts movement, the left is doomed to be a small minority when we could be a majority.

Many Labour MPs, councillors and party members are part of the opposition to austerity and should be involved in a broad movement that also includes many activists who reject Labourism altogether. Anything else is divisive posturing. Similarly, it is possible to be critical of particular failures by trade union leaders - and frustrated with the continuing low level of strike action - without dismissing the vital role such leaders have to play as part of a co-ordinated mass movement. The Assembly's commitment to broad unity in action is in fact the most authentically radical strategy available to us.

The top priority

The second sort of critical view is to argue that the People's Assembly has a place, but what's really needed is something else. This might be a general strike - as discussed above - or a growth in grassroots activism, or a more 'political' approach, whether 'reclaiming Labour' or focusing on building an alternative electoral vehicle to the left of Labour. These views often come from those who are supportive of the Assembly, but who see it as a lesser priority to some other project.

The problem with the 'grassroots activism' argument is simple: a successful national event like the Assembly is a boost to grassroots activism, not an alternative or challenge to it. National and local campaigning reinforce each other, providing that activists consciously make the links. The Assembly will be boosted by the participation of many grassroots campaigners from every part of the country; it, in turn, can strengthen the networks between them and provide a mechanism for developing greater unity and coherence in the movement at local level.

Local activity is essential but not enough: this hospital is saved, but the one 30 miles away still closes. National co-ordination is indispensable if we are to confront austerity as a whole. If we want to stop all cuts, everywhere, nationally organised action aimed at the government is required.

The emphasis on electoral work takes two very different forms. The first is to invest hopes in Labour. The problems here are that Labour's leadership is deeply committed to some version of austerity, the general election is in any case still two years away, and it is extra-parliamentary activity (more than electoral campaigning) that is likely to shift the terms of political debate in the next couple of years.

The second route is to create an alternative outside the Labour Party. Such an approach is desirable in principle, but it would certainly be a mistake to prioritise such initiatives over the building a broad, mass movement that encompasses everyone opposed to cuts. Not least is the question of timing: developing a credible electoral party is a long-term process, but cuts are biting now and there's an urgent need for an active response.

Current attempts at 'left unity' are unfortunately back-to-front in trying to create an electoral front principally out of fragments of the existing (and very small) radical left, instead of first creating a mass movement encompassing new political forces (as happened with the emergence of Respect from the mass Stop the War movement).

Unity in action

The third and final sort of criticism brings us explicitly to the issue of the united front. Some critics have rejected the united front, or coalition-building, method embodied in the People's Assembly, typically on the grounds that it is allegedly 'top-down' and 'bureaucratic'. Such criticism involves a dose of references to 'top table speakers' (an awful thing to be avoided at all costs) and an equal dose of objections that what's really needed it something driven 'from below'. Some of these critics refer to this as 'frontism'.

The essence of the People's Assembly is the notion that broad working class unity is of fundamental importance if we are to defeat the government. We have the numbers on our side, but we need organisation to turn that into a social force to be reckoned with. There will always be differences of opinion - and it is necessary to air and debate those differences - but they should not be a barrier to united action. Above all, we need to combine the size and organisational capacities of the trade unions with the numerous disparate campaigns involving single-issue activists, disabled people, students, pensioners and more.

Doing this effectively requires the support and active participation of national organisations, especially but not exclusively the unions, to create an inclusive framework which can involve the diverse range of people in our movement. If this is what some activists mean when they refer to doing things 'from above' then so be it: organisation 'from above' i.e. involving national organisations, is exactly what we need as a means for involving the maximum social forces and delivering the largest-scale action imaginable. There is no juxtaposition between 'above' and 'below', between the support of national leaders and organisations and, on the other hand, grassroots participation.

The united front 'from above' is precisely what facilitates the united front 'from below'. The former is important primarily as a means to the latter, since it is the class struggle itself - not the rhetoric of leaders - that ultimately shapes history. Millions of people look to reformist leaders - whether Labour politicians, trade union general secretaries or prominent individuals - so to draw people into activity we seek alliances at the top with those leaders.

Furthermore, it is possible for grassroots forces to pull more moderate or reluctant leaders to the left. For this to happen, though, there first has to be a meaningful coalition. It should also be recalled that the trade union movement organised the two mass demonstrations against the cuts - on 26 March 2011 and 20 October 2012 - when hundreds of thousands were mobilised, illustrating the power of protests backed by union leaders. It's that experience of struggle that both brings confidence and reveals the limits of the union leadership.

Some critics tend to complain that the Assembly will be a series of 'top table' speeches, when what's really needed is workshops or smaller-scale gatherings that allow the voices of grassroots activists to be heard. Again, this is a false juxtaposition. It is in the nature of a very large event that it will involve a lot of speeches - and it is quite right that many (not all) of these speeches will be from elected national representatives, as they can speak on behalf of their members and give a powerful sense of the breadth and depth of the movement. PCS general secretary Mark Serwotka, for example, will be calling for support for striking PCS members in the week after the People’s Assembly. It makes sense for him to be heard.

A successful national event will make it more, not less, likely that we can organise local and regional assemblies that also pull together a diverse coalition, but with more scope for the voices of local activists. The main national event will, through its large scale and broad composition, provide a powerful platform for generating these grassroots forms of co-ordination, which will be more effective precisely because they are part of a national framework. Similarly, the claim from some that the Assembly will be only a ‘talking shop’ misses the mark: the purpose of the event is to launch action at a higher level than we could achieve without it.


Share

10 arguments about the People's Assembly, the movement and the left

The People's Assembly Against Austerity is proving enormously popular. At the latest count, almost 900 people have registered. And it's still nearly 3 months until the event. It has the support of a vast range of groups and organisations, reflecting every part of the broad movement against cuts.

There is also the backlash. Not from the right-wing - although there are examples of that - but, with grim inevitably, from corners of the left. Much of this is the kind of sectarian mischief-making and 'more radical than thou' posturing that is so integral to popular caricatures of the radical left. Precisely the kind of caricatured version of the left, indeed, that the People's Assembly seeks to transcend. There are always some who will privilege critical sniping over unity and dedication to making something work.

I wasn't going to respond to such criticisms, but I think it's worth doing so in order to put the record straight on a few matters. The main response to the Assembly has been tremendous enthusiasm and hope. Another, lesser, reaction has been uncertainty and confusion because of the responses which some on the left have put into circulation. Some of these responses can fairly be described as nothing more than sectarian distortion; some are genuine and legitimate tactical differences. And some are the former disguised as the latter.

Rather than responding to specific blog posts, comments etc from the 'sceptics', I'm looking at those criticisms which seem to keep popping up. I've encountered all of these online, but also many of them from a small number of nay-sayers who have turned up at meetings in Newcastle, where I am helping build the People's Assembly (both as national event and as on-going local process) and where the Assembly has already attracted high levels of interest, from Northern TUC passing a motion of support to the people taking flyers on a recent bedroom tax protest.

------

1: The People's Assembly won't be radical enough because it is broad-based and/or involves Labour Party members.

If we want a more radical and combative movement, the People's Assembly is exactly what we need. What has been missing since May 2010 is a co-ordinated national movement politically and practically shaped by the left. In the absence of that, it has been too easy for the most moderate elements - in the TUC general council, in the leaderships of more moderate unions, on Labour's right wing - to dictate the pace and extent of national anti-cuts activity.

The People's Assembly is our chance to break out of that impasse and develop a more militant movement, with a higher level of co-ordination. Politically the arguments put forward will overwhelmingly be vastly better and more left-wing than anything you hear from Ed Miliband. It is figures from the left of the Labour Party, with good track records of supporting campaigns and speaking at demonstrations, who are vocally supporting the People's Assembly, connecting with the many activists outside Labour who also want to turn the tide against austerity.

2: We need to be more radical by loudly criticising the moderate parts of the movement.

The most radical thing right now is to build a mass anti-cuts movement. That means unity in action and it means - if you're on the radical left - working with those to your right.

Of course there will be differences and disagreements, and there is a necessary place for criticism of those in the movement who in any way hold back the struggle. But it is in the course of building a movement that we can shape its political direction and win necessary arguments. The People's Assembly will be a radical event and a step towards a more radical movement.

3: The People's Assembly is a big one-off talking shop.

The People's Assembly is a process, not simply an event. It has already started. Its effects will hopefully be felt - and in profound ways - for a long time after 22 June. Let's also remember that talking is essential - we shouldn't dismiss it. Action needs to be guided by discussion and ideas, in particular by discussion of why austerity is wrong and what alternative demands we can put forward. The People's Assembly needs to discuss alternative demands which break the disabling illusion that There Is No Alternative to the whole austerity project. This is the fundamental issue at the heart of British and European politics.

In itself the Assembly will be a great opportunity to share ideas and experiences across the movement, but it is more than that: it is a platform for further co-ordinated action. This action will be bigger, broader and more combative than would otherwise be the case, because it is called by such a broad and diverse body with roots in every section of the movement and every part of the country. It should also be more effective because we have discussed and hopefully clarified the main alternative demands that form the basis of our movement: what we are fighting for (in broad ,simple terms) as well as reaffirming No Cuts. The potential is enormous.

4: The People's Assembly is 'bureaucratic' and 'top-down'.

There is, as yet, very little information about format, topics and speakers for the day, so there's a certain amount of ill-informed speculation around the idea that it will be 'top-down'. My understanding is that there will be contributions on the day from a large and diverse range of people reflecting the breadth of the movement. How this is either 'bureaucratic' or 'top down' is a mystery.

With 3500 people attending, it is naturally the case that the vast majority of participants won't speak. Why would it be otherwise? Is the alternative to deliberately only have smaller or local events to ensure a high participation rate? If we're serious about building a mass movement then we need the big events. Such big, national events also play a crucial role in encouraging local meetings and initiatives, which naturally allow those who don't speak on 22 June to have a voice and play an active role.

5: National co-ordination doesn't matter because local campaigning is the really important thing.

Austerity is national - and indeed international. It is imposed by central government and, to an extent, international institutions. We therefore need national and international co-ordination; we need action at these levels. Anything else is failing to rise to the challenge.

This doesn't mean neglecting local activity: any national movement depends upon strong local organisation, and a key test of the Assembly will be the extent to which it encourages such local organisation. One possibility, for example, is local Assemblies throughout the country in the autumn, to deepen roots in communities and co-ordinate local action within a national framework.

6: The People's Assembly will be constrained by the involvement of trade union leaders, who are a barrier to effective rank and file action.

If you want a coalition to be broad at the bottom it needs to be broad at the top. The trade unions have a central role to play in the anti-cuts movement and it would be absurd to not take seriously the participation of trade union general secretaries. Their involvement provides the Assembly with credibility and authority in the eyes of many who have no or little connection with the organised left.

The key question is this: will a co-ordinated mass movement exert pressure on union leaders to be more or less combative? The answer should be obvious: a huge People's Assembly, and further action coming out of it, can only strengthen the hand of those who want a much higher level of strike action.

7: A People's Assembly is all very well, but what's really needed is a general strike.

It's not an either/or choice. As I wrote above, the People's Assembly will encourage greater and more active co-operation between trade unions.

But this is also a damaging idea because it limits the scope of the movement. Trade unionists have a particularly valuable role in fighting cuts because they are organised collectively and take action on a large scale. But there are millions of other victims of austerity - and opponents of cuts - who are not in unions. They are part of the movement too and the urgent challenge is to link up everyone who wants to fight austerity in a mass movement. Sloganeering about a general strike is no substitute for taking concrete action, in the here and now, to build a more powerful and united movement which connects unions with campaigns and communities.

8: A People's Assembly is all very well, but what's needed is left unity/a new electoral party of the left.

The People's Assembly is left unity - and indeed it's more than that, reaching out beyond the established left and involving new people. It is the best chance we have of serious left renewal. It offers our best chance of exerting a leftwards pull on British politics. There will be those who are so sectarian they ignore it or sneer at it, but it will unite all the sane, non-sectarian and serious elements of the left.

An electoral coalition is, in my view, an important long-term aim, but in the short term there are massive obstacles to it happening. The priority right now is a radical, combative and united mass movement to smash austerity. This, in turn, might just create conditions conducive to new electoral challenges on the left. There will be those, of course, who disagree with me about the current prospects for a left-wing electoral formation, but we should agree that a mass movement is the top priority at present.

9: The People's Assembly is too late. We need action now.

Yes, we do need action now. Who argues otherwise? We also need long-term co-operation and strategy. Let's have both, instead of falsely polarising the two.

Activists and organisations building the Assembly are also involved in anti-bedroom tax protests this weekend, campaigns to defend the NHS, and much more besides. We need to consistently link the whole People's Assembly process to the local anti-cuts activity already taking place.

10: It's wrong that people have to pay to attend the People's Assembly, considering how poor many of austerity's victims are.

An event on this scale is expensive. It has to be paid for: much of that will come from sponsoring  trade unions, but much of it should and will come from individuals attending it. In fact it is healthy and democratic if a very large number of people each make small contributions towards an event, rather than it being bankrolled entirely by a small number of large organisations.

In Newcastle we've already had discussions about fundraising, which is especially important as we need to support people with little or no money travelling all the way from the north east to London (which isn't cheap). We are encouraging trade unions locally to sponsor students, pensioners, unemployed people and others who can't afford it. This isn't just financially sensible: it helps forge links between different sections of the community. We are also urging individuals who can't attend it themselves to sponsor those who have the time but not the money, and we are arranging a big musical event as a fundraiser.

------

So, to summarise: the People's Assembly is (or should be) the central priority for every socialist activist over the next 3 months. It can be the crucial step in transforming this country's anti-cuts movement for the better: bigger, more radical, more combative, more co-ordinated. The aim is to create a movement that can pack a punch to knock the Tories out. The People's Assembly is what we make of it, so be there on 22 June and do all you can to make it a great success.


Share

Newcastle unites to march against cuts to services

Photo courtesy of Sky Tyne and Wear

Well over 1000 people marched in Newcastle today in a united show of opposition to devastating cuts inflicted on public services. The city's Labour council is implementing coalition cuts in draconian fashion, with libraries, youth services, play services and the arts all set to be devastated. 1300 council jobs are set to go. This is in the region with the highest unemployment in the country.

 

The demonstration followed the confirmation of the council's plans on Friday, but ahead of the council meeting (on 6 March) which will see councillors vote on a budget of unprecedented cutbacks. Protesters will again gather to voice opposition to the destruction of local services.

The march and rally involved Coalition of Resistance, a wide range of community campaigns, and trade unions in organising and building it. It was backed by Northern TUC, while campaigns like Save Newcastle Libraries and Save our Play had a strong presence on the march. A number of unions had contingents, including an RMT contingent of Metro cleaners currently taking 7 days of strike action for a living wage.

The march, which went through the busy streets of Newcastle city centre, was diverse and vibrant. There were chants of "Save our services - no cuts for kids!" and "No ifs, no buts, no library cuts". We passed key landmarks such as Newcastle City Library and the City Pool, which is set to close. The remarkable range of banners testified to the breadth of the popular coalition gathered for the protest.

A rally at Grey's Monument, in the heart of the city centre, had speaker after speaker make the connections between specific cuts and the wider assault on public services and welfare. A recurring theme was the threat to young people's prospects represented by the proposed cuts. Popular children's author David Almond, speaking on behalf of Save Newcastle Libraries, said:

 

"Libraries are for everybody, not just an elite. Culture is for everybody. Everywhere I go I see young people keen to take part in the arts, keen to read. We need libraries to provide for the future. Our children should not pay for the wickedness of the rich and powerful."

 

Further campaigning over cuts to local services is planned. Activists and trade unionists are also starting to mobilise for June's People's Assembly Against Austerity, which offers a chance to unite the disparate strands of the movement at national level. The first north east co-ordinating meeting is on 28 February, 5.30pm, at the Unite regional offices on John Dobson Street, Newcastle.

 

Share

22 June, Westminster: People's Assembly Against Austerity

Save Lewisham Hospital protesters

The People’s Assembly Against Austerity is launched in this letter, published in tomorrow's Guardian:

This is a call to all those millions of people in Britain who face an impoverished and uncertain year as their wages, jobs, conditions and welfare provision come under renewed attack by the government.

With some 80% of austerity measures still to come, and with the government lengthening the time they expect cuts to last, we are calling a People’s Assembly Against Austerity to bring together campaigns against cuts and privatisation with trade unionists in a movement for social justice. We aim to develop a strategy for resistance to mobilise millions of people against the Con Dem government.

The assembly will provide a national forum for anti-austerity views which, while increasingly popular, are barely represented in parliament. A People’s Assembly can play a key role in ensuring that this uncaring government faces a movement of opposition broad enough and powerful enough to generate successful co-ordinated action, including strike action.

The assembly will be ready to support co-ordinated industrial action and national demonstrations against austerity, if possible synchronising with mobilisations across Europe. The People’s Assembly Against Austerity will meet at Central Hall, Westminster, on 22 June.

See HERE for the initial list of signatories and HERE to register.


Share

The movement we need, the Left we need - a response to Owen Jones

Gateshead College students support UCU strike

There's an article up on the Independent site by Owen Jones today, with the intriguing headline 'British politics is in urgent need of a new force: a UKIP of the Left to counter the crisis of capitalism'

[Update on Monday morning: the 2nd part of that headline has now been changed, presumably at the author's request].

Owen addresses the central paradox of contemporary left-wing politics, the same one that I explored recently in this article - there is a profound crisis of capitalism combined with widespread rejection of the policies and ideas which accompany it, yet the Left is not growing (or benefiting from that to the extent we'd possibly expect).  

The headline - which I imagine a sub-editor is responsible for - is of course misleading. None of us are likely to be inspired by the notion of 'a UKIP of the Left' - though it captures the idea of a popular left politics that resonates with a section of society beyond the organised left - and it's unfortunate because Owen unambiguously rejects an electoral alternative to Labour, instead emphasising extra-parliamentary activity.

It is perhaps unfortunate, too, that Owen uses the crisis in the SWP as the starting point - this is significant, but the starting point for considering the shape of a new left should be what possibilities do exist and not the inadequacies of what we already have (though these possibilities are eloquently expressed later). There have - lest we forget - been two very large national anti-cuts demonstrations (on 26 March 2011 and 20 October 2012) as well as countless local protests and nationally co-ordinated strike action, peaking on 30 November 2011 with 1-2 million public sector workers striking.

Also, I think Owen either misfires (e.g. attacking 'Leninism') or exaggerates (with a couple of his comments on the SWP) in a few places. And of course I don't share his continued commitment to working in the Labour Party.

A united anti-cuts movement and a popular Left

But we should all be able to agree on the central arguments. I interpret these as being that we desperately need a united and assertive anti-cuts movement, and  that the Left needs to engage seriously with large numbers of people who are angry, fearful and want an alternative to deeper and deeper cuts. These two things go together. The building of a bigger, broader, coherent and more unified anti-austerity movement is not only vital and necessary in its own right. It is fundamental to shaping a new left.
 
It's one of those articles that raises as many questions as answers, and it may prove to be an opening salvo in an on-going dialogue or debate about the central issues. What I think is most important here is the simple recognition that we need, more than anything else, a united left-led movement to oppose austerity - one that unites a variety of groups and individuals involved in the Left, but also reaches out to many with little or no experience of organised left-wing politics. This should be obvious - and there's a tone of exasperation to the piece precisely because it should be obvious yet it hasn't yet happened on a sufficient scale. Owen writes:

'What is missing in British politics is a broad network that unites progressive opponents of the Coalition. That means those in Labour who want a proper alternative to Tory austerity, Greens, independent lefties, but also those who would not otherwise identify as political, but who are furious and frustrated. In the past two years of traipsing around the country, speaking to students, workers, unemployed and disabled people, I’ve met thousands who want to do something with their anger. Until now, I have struggled with an answer.'

Owen makes it crystal clear that he is not talking about a new left-of-Labour electoral formation. While I would like to see a political alternative to Labour, I don't think it is a credible option in the immediate future. Our energies need to be directed elsewhere.

Where they need to be focused, above all, is on creating a broad-based movement against austerity that can, in the process, popularise left-wing demands, exert pressure on the terms of mainstream political debate, and create a space for a new left to emerge. We can popularise left-wing slogans and demands, make an impact on mainstream political debate, and affect millions of people primarily through building a mass movement.

This is precisely what those of us involved in Coalition of Resistance have aspired to achieve. It has had some notable success and is, in my view, a model for what is needed. It is greatly preferable to any of alternatives which are in fact little more than extensions of particular left-wing organisations. 

What we need and what we have

Where we have struggled is in numbers. The SWP, with thousands of members, was central to initiating and developing Stop the War Coalition in cities up and down the country over a decade ago. This time it has been different. Without a relatively large socialist organisation providing a nucleus of activists in every area, it has been difficult to develop an equivalent coalition over austerity.

It is refreshing that Owen cites Stop the War's mobilisations around a decade ago as positive example of how organised socialists can connect with millions beyond their ranks and make an impact on wider society. Stop the War remains invaluable today (regardless of the inevitable difference in the scale we now operate at, compared to 2001-03) and may well be responsible for future mass mobilisations (if you're in any doubt read this article).

But it is also essential as a reference point for what we now need in response to austerity: not because we need an exact replica, or because the parallels are precise, but because of its breadth, non-sectarianism and unity combined with a radicalism that largely derived from the organised Left's key role in it. (I've previously assessed the anti-war movement's achievements here).

Owen's article grasps the centrality of politics - in a broader sense than parliamentary politics - to the question of austerity, and to how we oppose the government. He is aware that it isn't enough to advocate a purely trade union response through strike action - desperately needed though this is - and it isn't enough to simply have a sectional or single-issue response. We need to join the dots, pull the different strands of a disparate movement together, and articulate political demands and ideas. Doing this can lift the movement to a higher level, give it a stronger punch.

Newcastle's experience

In my own area of Tyneside we have succeeded with building a dynamic Coalition of Resistance with an impressive track record. I think it provides a rough and imperfect model, but we need the same in every local area and we need everything to be linked up in a national (and indeed international) movement. No group can defeat austerity alone.

Owen spoke at our Coalition of Resistance public meeting in Newcastle last March, helping attract 160 people. As I recently remarked in this post:

'On the night it occurred to me: 'This is the Left'. It wasn't just a successful anti-cuts meeting; it was one of the biggest left-wing meetings we've had in Newcastle in many years. There were plenty of members of various radical-left groups in attendance, and also some left-wing Labour members, but also many non-aligned but politically conscious and left-wing people. Left-wing trade unionists turned up, but so did many who have no experience of unions.

The same thing happened again last week, but on an even bigger scale: over 300 attended the Save Newcastle Libraries public meeting, with 'Billy Elliot' writer Lee Hall giving a radical speech and getting a great reception for it. The old institutions of the working class - the Labour Party and trade unions most importantly, but also the organised Communist and Trotskyist lefts - have declined. There is a gap between that wider left-wing audience and three things: the politics of today's Labour Party, the confidence of workers to resist through strike action, and the size of the revolutionary left.'

I should also mention, in this context, a major anti-cuts march and rally lined up for Saturday 16 February in Newcastle. Initiated by the local Coalition of Resistance, the process of organising it immediately pulled in a range of people and groups on the left and community campaigns like Save Newcastle Libraries, and it has in the last week been formally backed by Newcastle trades council, northern region Unison and northern region TUC. The omens are good for a breakthrough demo on the big day.

We need more of this and we need to make the connections so we shape a more coherent, united national movement out of the many promising local and single-issue examples. The most important event on the horizon in this respect is the People's Assembly Against Austerity, a national event initiated by Coalition of Resistance and scheduled for 1 June (I believe details will be out next month). It can be a turning point in enhancing co-ordination and building a truly national movement.

Finally, I should note that while I disagree with Owen on Leninism, I have previously said quite enough on that in this article - and won't add to it here.


Share

Save Newcastle Libraries - public meeting with David Almond

 

SAVE NEWCASTLE LIBRARIES - Public Meeting

 

Tuesday 20 November, 7pm

St John's Church hall, Grainger Street, Newcastle

Called by Coalition of Resistance

SPEAKERS: Alan Gibbons, award-winning children’s author; Paul Gilroy, branch secretary of Newcastle Unison; top local author David Almond.

Chaired by Clare Harwood, vice chair of Tyne and Wear Coalition of Resistance.

Here is Tony Dowling's letter, which was published in Wednesday's Evening Chronicle:

 

Dear Editor,

 

Appalled as I was to read about planned library closures in Newcastle, I was equally delighted

to see the swift response from a wide range of authors, including a number of lo

cal writers

(“Top authors back our Save Our Libraries campaign,” Chronicle 12th November).

They are correct to highlight the vital role libraries play in our culture, the life of our communities,

and in lifelong learning.

As local author David Almond pointed out, “a library is one of humankind’s

greatest inventions,” and we cannot just stand by and allow them to be destroyed.

The Chronicle's Save Our Libraries campaign is right: libraries are an enormously important

resource which we should treasure.

The threatened closures are a result of deep spending cuts imposed by the Tory-led

government which is savaging public services. Instead of destroying valuable public services

we should be pursuing the super-rich tax cheats and making them pay their share.

These cuts are not necessary. There are alternatives.

How many libraries could be paid for by the billions handed out in bankers' bonuses every year?

Anti-cuts campaign group Coalition of Resistance is initiating a public meeting with award-winning

children's author Alan Gibbons to promote the campaign to save Newcastle's libraries. The

meeting is at 7pm on Tuesday 20th November at St John's Church Hall, Grainger Street.

Everyone who cares about libraries, our culture and the life of our communities should come

along and make their voices heard!

Yours faithfully,

Tony Dowling

Chair, Coalition of Resistance – Tyne & Wear

 

Share

Broad, upbeat, determined - reflections on 20 October TUC mass protest



The TUC demonstration was undoubtedly big enough to put the movement back on track - and create the impetus to carry us forward in coming months - if not as audaciously huge as the 26 March 2011 protest. Around 200,000 is probably a fair estimate of the turnout. It was broad, united and had a great atmosphere: upbeat and determined.

There was an inspiring array of homemade placards, as well as banners, flags and placards representing all the unions and a vast range of campaigning & political groups. International activists, in London for today's Coalition of Resistance European co-ordinating conference, joined the demo (like the Greek socialists, left). The mishaps of Andrew 'Plebgate' Mitchell and George 'Ticketgate' Osborne even provided a touch of humour in some of the signs and chants.And who knew there were quite so many anti-cuts samba bands and choirs?

The double whammy of some unions' pensions climbdown and the failure to stop the NHS bill becoming legislation had substantially demobilised the anti-cuts movement. While there have been a great many small-scale protests and campaigns in recent months, there has been a lack of national focus or co-ordination. Yesterday's demo provided that focus and co-ordination. It therefore has the potential to become a turning point for us all.

The mobilisation from the north east, where I am based, was highly impressive. Hundreds of trade unionists travelled on union transport, many of them on a train chartered by northern region TUC (undeterred by a 5.30am departure from Newcastle). As with the rest of the country, every union was involved. This was - like 26 March - an event that pulled all the unions together in a remarkably united, representative show of opposition to cuts.

I was on the Coalition of Resistance (CoR) coach from Newcastle, a double decker coach which had 70 people - from a wide range of backgrounds - on board. It was, as far as I'm aware, the only transport from the region not organised through the trade unions.

We had students, sixth formers, Green Party members, NHS campaigners, socialist activists, young unemployed people, pensioners, a delegation of National Association of Probation Officers members, Stop the War veterans, first-time marchers and more. There was a high level of commitment, as there must be when facing an early start and a long coach journey!

In London I helped carry the Tyne and Wear Coalition of Resistance banner and didn't have time for speeches in Hyde Park. I gather that Ed Miliband was booed, epsecially for his comments that a Labour government would still make cuts. There has been a small but significant shift rightwards in the Labour leadership's approach to austerity since Miliband's speech 19 months ago (which was better received than yesterday's).

This shift, together with the fact we are much further into the austerity era (though it is still to get a lot worse), presumably explains the more hostile reception. I was passing the official TUC bus at around the midway point of the march when one of the organisers - standing on the open-top bus - announced that Miliband was speaking in Hyde Park at that moment. The booing was louder than the cheering in response. And that was without hearing what the Labour leader had to say.

Speeches by Bob Crow (RMT) and Mark Serwotka (PCS), calling for sustained action including co-ordinated mass strikes, were apparently greeted with loud cheers. That is a hopeful sign - and it felt to me, on the march, that the sharpening of rhetoric reflects the mood of the movement. Delivering on that rhetoric will require a great deal of long-term work, among millions of working people, but the demo was a step in the direction we need to go.

Another positive sign was the prevalence of CoR's No Cuts placards - more than from any other organisation in my section of the march. The slogan remains crucial because it asserts a complete rejection of austerity and demands a generalised response, not merely one that addresses specific issues. The CoR broadsheets, distributed for free, were also clearly well received (and made suitable pre-dawn reading as our coach pulled out of Newcastle). It was also great to see so many Stop the War and CND placards, raising the important political demands 'Cut War not Welfare' and 'Scrap Trident'.

On the coach going home, everyone was exceptionally positive. There was a feeling that it was exactly what was needed at this point in time. A young protester on her first national demo commented that "it felt amazing to be in a crowd with such a huge number of people who agree with me" - a gentle reminder of the unique power of large-scale national demonstrations. A veteran protester, meanwhile, reminded me that it may not have been on the scale of 26 March, but was still as huge a protest as anything in the 1980s or 1990s.

What next? A mass demo, however inspiring and combative, is of course not enough. The large-scale strike action called for by Crow and Serwotka is essential, but must be accompanied by ongoing national and local demonstrations plus a broad political campaign which rejects austerity outright and articulates an alternative.

The composition of the Newcastle CoR coach was a vivid reminder that action by trade unionists - while indispensable - isn't the whole story. Austerity is an assault on the whole working class, which requires the unions - as the established organisations of the class - working with coalitions of students, pensioners, unemployed people and so on to sustain a mass popular movement. We should also keep in mind that austerity is an international offensive, requiring continent-wide co-ordinated action. The European TUC day of action on 14 November can be considered a starting point.

The new People's Petition Against Austerity (which everyone signed on our journey home yesterday) is one tool for developing that common anti-austerity front in the months ahead. Its demands - stop cuts and privatisation, tax the rich, drop the debt, democratise the banks and invest in jobs, homes and the green economy - should underpin a new wave of protests, strikes and campaigning activity. Yesterday's magnificent march was a taste of what's to come.

Sign or download the People's Petition HERE

Also see: Counterfire's assessment Back in fighting spirit


Share

200,000 reasons to march on 20 October

 

Tony Dowling's letter was published in regional daily paper the Journal this week. I think it deserves sharing.

 

...

 

Dear Editor,

 

Your shocking report that around around 200,000 children in the region are now existing in severely poverty-stricken conditions, without enough food to eat or clothes to keep warm ( ‘ Children in the North East trapped in grip of poverty’, Journal 29th September) is a damning indictment of the austerity measures being pursued by the Tory-led coalition government.

We are in the midst of a double-dip recession & despite the savage cuts agenda promoted by the government the deficit is rising, not falling. And there are few economic commentators who do not agree that chancellor George Osborne’s economic strategy is failing.

Austerity has led to a vicious circle of decline. It is clear we are NOT “all in it together”, and it is our children and the most vulnerable who are suffering most.

But there IS an alternative. An alternative of investment not cuts.

Rather than deep spending cuts, we need to stop the cuts, reverse our decline and build an economy that works for ordinary families. Investment would support welfare; develop homes, schools, and hospitals; and foster a green approach to public spending – investing in renewable energy and public transport and creating jobs.

The TUC’s “A Future That Works” march in London on Saturday 20th October will be an opportunity for everyone to demonstrate the support for such an alternative. Every single child living in poverty under the Tory-led coalition is a reason to join that march.

The Coalition of Resistance is organising coach transport to London on 20th October. If you would like to join us email: cornortheast@gmail.com

Yours faithfully,

Tony Dowling

Chair, Coalition of Resistance – Tyne & Wear
http://www.coalitionofresistance.org.uk/

 

Share

20/21 October: national demonstration, international conference

This international appeal comes via Coalition of Resistance and deserves to be shared.

On Saturday 20 October the British Trades Union Congress is holding a march against austerity 'For a future that works'. Hundreds of thousands of people will take to the streets of London to oppose the cuts being forced upon them.

The Coalition of Resistance will be at the heart of this demonstration with its message of 'No Cuts'. The participation of delegations from across Europe will hugely strengthen the significance of what will be a massive mobilisation.

In 2011 our organisation initiated the Europe Against Austerity conference which issued a call for joint action against austerity throughout Europe. More than 600 people attended the conference in October 2011, with 150 coming from other parts of Europe.

Since that conference we have seen big struggles in Greece where there have been many days of general strike action and in Spain where the Asturian miners have inspired the support of millions throughout Europe. The nature of the onslaught on the peoples of Europe means that such actions will continue and escalate. Further solidarity work and coordination is now urgently needed.

We appeal for anti-austerity organisations throughout Europe to come to London on 20 and 21 October to participate both in the London demonstration and to meet the following day to discuss common action to turn back the tide of austerity. We must build co-ordinated action to enable victories against a common enemy.

There will be an open preparatory meeting in early September to prepare for the conference and all those who wish to be involved are welcome, whether or not they attended last year's event. The date and venue will be notified shortly. Please contact us if you plan to attend.

We urge organisations and organisations from across Europe to come to London in October - to show that the strength of the working class movement is in its unity and solidarity.

Let's make October 20/21st the next step in our common struggle against austerity.


Share

Owen Jones in Newcastle - Coalition of Resistance public meeting

Protesting against cuts in Greece

Crisis in the UK, Crisis in the Eurozone... Austerity Isn't Working: What Is The Alternative?

Wednesday 14th March at 7pm - Newcastle Arts Centre (The Black Swan), 67 Westgate Rd, Newcastle

Free entry - no advance booking necessary.

Chaired by Newcastle councillor Dipu Ahad. Speakers include author and activist Owen Jones and Lindsey German (Coalition of Resistance), with time for questions and discussion. Free entry - no advance booking necessary.

Organised by Coalition of Resistance and supported by UCU Northern Region, Gateshead Unison, Labour Representation Committee, Youth Fight for Jobs, London Progressive Journal and People's Bookshop Durham.

'The government claims the cuts are unavoidable because the welfare state has been too generous. This is nonsense. Ordinary people are being forced to pay for the bankers' profligacy. An alternative budget would raise revenue by increasing tax for the rich, plugging tax loopholes, withdrawing troops from Afghanistan and cancelling the Trident replacement.’

- Tony Benn, president, Coalition of Resistance


Share

Cuts, trade unions and the movement

Coalition of Resistance supporters: London, 30 November

This is the second of four brief selections of my writing published on Luna17 and Counterfire this year.

Austerity has been (and continues to be) the dominant domestic political issue. Most of these posts concern, in different ways, the opposition to cuts: from contradictions in the unions to the case for European co-ordination. A number of arguments about politics and tactics in the movement will undoubtedly become even more important in 2012.

Politics and tactics in UK Uncut (January)

Can trade unions stop the cuts?  (April)

Trade union membership and the working class today (May)

Ed Balls and public sector pensions  (June)

Europe Against Austerity - a call for co-ordinated global resistance (October)

Beyond #N30 - co ordinate resistance across Europe (December) 

Also see Part 1 of this round-up: An extraordinary year in the Arab world

Share

A year in the life of one local anti-cuts group...

This has been circulated to the Tyne and Wear Coalition of Resistance email list. I wrote it as a little reminder of what the group has contributed during 2011...

As the year draws to a close we'd like to thank all of you for your help and support through what has been a hectic year - what a year this has been!

Tyne and Wear Coalition of Resistance is proud to have played a small part in building a national movement to stop cuts and privatisation. We have much more to do, and hope you will help us in 2012.

Here is a round-up of what we have contributed to the movement in 2011. Thank you to everyone who has helped, in however small a way, to make these achievements possible.

In 2011, Tyne and Wear Coalition of Resistance has:

- Organised public meetings in March, June and November - featuring speakers from Keep Our NHS Public, National Pensioners Convention, Occupy Newcastle, UCU, PCS, Unite, legal aid and mental health campaigns, etc - which were geared towards the massive 26 March demo, the 30 June strikes and the 30 November strikes respectively.

- Supported picket lines, marches and rallies on 30 June and again on 30 November, and distributed several hundred Coalition of Resistance free broadsheets (linking pensions with a range of other anti-cuts issues) on both occasions. Read the most recent CoR broadsheet here: http://www.coalitionofresistance.org.uk/2011/11/cor-broadsheet-november-2011/

- Organised 3 Newcastle coaches to the 26 March demo, taking over 120 people to London, and supported a coach from Hexham (with generous financial support from Unite the Union). Our mobilisation to this historic event was covered in this excellent piece by the Observer: http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2011/mar/26/newcastle-bus-fight-cuts

- Held an open planning meeting after 26 March which brought together nearly 40 people to discuss the way forward.

- Hosted a fundraising gig in April, attended by 70 people (other fundraising included one of our activists doing a sponsored run for CoR).

- Held information stalls at various movement events including Durham Miners Gala, the demo which launched Occupy Newcastle, Newcastle's Green Festival and multi-cultural Mela festival, a big public meeting for Keep Our NHS Public, Newcastle Slutwalk, etc

- Run campaign stalls at Newcastle's Grey's Monument on numerous occasions, distributing thousands of flyers during the year as well as petitioning, engaging with the wider public and so on.

- Organised a screening of the excellent documentary film 'Debtocracy' (about Greece and the debt crisis) in September, supported by Gateshead health branch of Unison.

- A delegation of Tyne and Wear CoR activists attended the Europe Against Austerity conference, a vital event bringing together over 600 campaigners from across Europe, followed by a local activists' meeting on globalising resistance with Public Services Alliance and Occupy Newcastle activists.

- Organised a UK Uncut protest targeting rich tax avoiders in April, which had to be re-arranged as on the day CoR supporters joined with others in opposing the racist English Defence League and defending Grey's Monument as a space for anti-racists. The re-arranged protest in late May was part of a national UK Uncut day focused on the NHS, and was joined by Billy Bragg.

- Had a contingent with Tyne and Wear CoR banner on Newcastle's May Day march - the banner has also been at various events including a protest against Kenton School becoming an academy, local anti-cuts protests and the massive 26 March demonstration in London.

- Contributed CoR speakers to South Tyneside May Day, Newcastle May Day and a 'Unite the Resistance' rally on 30 November among other events.

- Established a website and twitter account as well as sustaining and developing the facebook group and email list – and developed a close link with popular Newcastle United fanzine True Faith, with thanks to Peter Sagar for providing a series of articles for the fanzine and its associated website.

- Held regular democratic planning meetings, ensuring decision-making is based on inclusive and open discussion. A huge thank you to everyone who has contributed to these meetings and our wider activities.

Best wishes to all for Christmas & the new year!

Share

Beyond #N30 - co-ordinate resistance across Europe

Austerity is a Europe-wide phenomenon. Resistance, too, is a common feature across the continent. Yet there's frustratingly little in the way of concrete links between different countries' movements.

One difficulty is the low level of awareness of what's happening in other countries. Owen Jones, visiting Portugal for the Guardian shortly before 30 November, commented that protestors he interviewed weren't aware that the UK was on the eve of a large public sector strike - just as very few people here would know anything about strikes in Portugal. There is, correspondingly, a tendency (even among many activists) to see cuts as basically a domestic issue. This is certainly true here and it seems to be a common weakness elsewhere in Europe.

European elites are acutely aware of the need for co-ordination on their side. There are tensions between them - reflecting the different interets of each national capitalist class - but they continually strive for agreement and common action. They are united in their commitment to making the vast majority of people pay for the crisis through cuts, privatisation and unemployment. Transnational institutions - notably the 'troika' of European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund and European Union - serve their interests.

The crisis is international and cannot be resolved purely at the national level. We need to challenge the international institutions and the power of finance capital. Austerity is a unifying strategy across Europe. The experience of austerity is remarkably similar across the continent: in some countries, like Greece, it is especially severe, but the policies are different only in degree.

Forms of resistance also have a great deal in common. The trademark tactic of 2011 - the mass occupation of public space - is associated with the Arab revolutions, the 'indignados' struggles in Spain and elsewhere, and now the Occupy movement. Several European countries have witnessed mass public sector strikes, primarily a reaction to attacks on public sector workers' conditions but linked to the broader offensive against public services and welfare provision. To some extent, movements in one country have been inspired by movements in another country.

There is, however, great unevenness. That's hardly surprising - each country has its own tempo, reflecting the domestic situation and levels of confidence and organisation in each country. One country's movement has peaked just as another country's has dipped.

The difference in tempo and dynamics across borders is significant. It means that calls for "a European-wide general strike" make - at least for now - little sense. At the European Conference Against Austerity - at the start of October - a German delegate pointed out that such a call might resonate in some countries but not in his own country, where there hasn't yet been a large strike movement.

If there is internationally co-ordinated action, the nature of the action will inevitably vary from country to country. That doesn't mean we can't have co-ordinated action, but simply illustrates the need for realism about how varied such action would be. A European day of action in early 2012 wouldn't translate into a continental general strike, but it could embolden activists throughout Europe and strengthen the connections between them.

Trade unions could play a central role in international co-ordination. From the perspective of UK trade unions, this should be integral to discussion about how to take the movement forward after the large-scale strikes and demonstrations on 30 November. This would build on existing initiatives. The Europe Against Austerity conference was an excellent step by sections of the European left, while the Occupy movement serves as an inspiration to millions.

The conference, held in London, depended on the role of Coalition of Resistance as at least a partially successful attempt to co-ordinate groups at the national level. This national co-ordination is a pre-requisite for ongoing international co-operation. The desperate need for greater international action is in fact one of the main reasons why a bigger and broader Coalition of Resistance is such an urgent necessity.

If the unions co-ordinated their efforts, these developments would become far more powerful. They would gain deeper social weight. The unions can bring millions of their own members into action, through mass protests and strikes, pulling other groups - non-unionised workers, students, unemployed people and so on - into mass mobilisations. International links tend to encourage generalising of the issues too - broad opposition to cuts and privatisation, rather than sectional struggles over specific issues.

The greater the unity and co-ordination, the greater the likelihood of overcoming the divisions fostered by governments across Europe. From dishonest attempts to divide public sector and private sector workers against each other to racist scapegoating, politicians are determined to prevent unity. International action strengthens our side and undermines attempts at divide-and-rule.

International co-ordination tends, also, to have a radicalising effect, drawing attention to the limits of small-scale attempts at reform and the necessity of more far-reaching challenges to the ruling order. Movements begin to raise demands which challenge the core assumptions underpinning cuts, mobilising for financial institutions to be brought under democratic control.

It is only through such co-ordination that we can hope to break the power of finance capital over governments across Europe and re-shape politics away from austerity.

Share