Sunday, 18 March 2012

The Festival of Dangerous Ideas - a radical departure

I'm in London this weekend. Yesterday I was at the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, principally organised by Counterfire and also involving Verso Books and Scotland's International Socialist Group.

Starting at 10am and continuing until after midnight - with a very wide range of talks, discussions and performances - this was by far the most ambitious event we in Counterfire have so far attempted. It was a pretty remarakable success all round. Here are a few observations and reflections.

The most striking thing was the turnout: 600 tickets were sold. In March 2010 I was a founder member of Counterfire and we started with only 40 members. I was always optimistic about our prospects, but never imagined that we would be hosting an event on such a scale only two years down the line.

Obviously the vast majority of attendees were from beyond our own ranks - and I personally didn't recognise 90% of those around me. This is especially noteworthy given the event was only announced in January and didn't benefit from a long run up. It indicates the possibilities for a left-wing political event that is relevant, imaginative and promoted widely.

The majority were younger than me (I'm 33). This is not a normal experience for me when attending left-wing events, but was extremely refreshing. The scale of the event - reaching out far beyond the socialist organisations behind it - also meant there was a genuine range of views in much of the discussion.

The venue, east London's Rich Mix, turned out to be an inspired choice: a cinema and contemporary arts space, it has a very different vibe from more traditional venues (it helped that the staff were fully involved and genuinely helpful). There was a creative dimension to the daytime timetable, with artistic workshops, films, an exhibition and more, plus the rare instance of an evening of entertainment encompassing Tony Benn, hip hop and the SOAS samba band.

I feel like we may just have stumbled on a different way of doing a radical socialist event. It was not, I should add, entirely without precedent, but it was certainly distinct from anything previously put on by a socialist organisation in the UK. 

My personal highlight was Neil Faulkner's nothing-if-not-ambitious 'A brief history of the world', which provided a succinct outline of a marxist method for understanding history and gave a broad-sweep overview of the big historical transformations in human history. Neil is an archaeologist and historian, whose long-running 'A Marxist History of the World' series is one of our website's greatest assets.

The most engaging discussion was perhaps in Kate Connelly's session 'From suffragettes to slutwalk', drawing out a range of issues both historical and contemporary. This session - like 'A brief history of the world' - was actually repeated in an additional space (booked at short notice) to accommodate the larger-than-expected attendance.

The turnout at Neil's session - around a hundred - and the even bigger attendance, in the same space, at the 'in conversation' about Gramsci with Peter Thomas (facilitated by Nina Power) suggested an appetite for substantial, challenging topics. I was also impressed, generally, by the fact that discussion was genuinely thoughtful and inquiring - plenty of questions and contributions which felt like someone was thinking through the ideas.

I also attended 'Internet - serving the revolution?' and the 'war on terror' session, both of which were serious engagements with changing realities, illuminating the need to apply ideas to new circumstances. The latter also benefited from Stop the War Chair Jeremy Corbyn offering a potted history of imperialism, putting its current phase in a longer-term context. I made a contribution in the discussion myself, responding to someone arguing that 'direct action' not mass mobilisations is the way to stop wars.

Most of the day's speeches will soon appear on YouTube, including Owen Jones on class, Paul Mason on why it's kicking off everywhere, and others that I personally missed. And I think it's safe to assume we will be doing something similar again. Sign up to the mailing list to be kept informed. 

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Monday, 5 March 2012

Leaked video footage: Andrew Lansley on the run

Thanks to Eoin Clarke for sharing this. As he writes:
 
'This is a leaked video of Lansley's visit to the Royal Free Hospital in Hampstead, London, today. I had reported earlier on in the day that there had been an incident at the hospital but no national media outlet would run with the story.  When the Minister for Health runs scared from medical professionals such as the doctor shown in the picture you know that his faith in Tory reforms must be limited indeed, if he cannot have the courage of his convictions to stand and discuss the issues.'
  
Dr Ron Singer, who challenges Lansley here, is a recently retired GP with three decades' experience and President of the Medical Practitioners' Union (part of Unite).
 


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Monday, 27 February 2012

The Festival of Dangerous Ideas - Rich Mix, London - Saturday 17 March 2012


'The old ideas are bust. Now is the time for the new, the marginalised, the road less travelled... dangerous ideas for dangerous times.

Join key activists, commentators and cultural figures reflecting on a world in disarray and turmoil.

Bringing the spirit of revolution to London are Egyptian MP Nasr-Eddin al-Zoghbi and activist Marwa Farouk of the Socialist Renewal Current, an activist group in Cairo. They will be joined by John Rees, co-author of The People Demand, to discuss how to finish a revolution, and activists from Greece describing what it means to be at the frontline of Europe's austerity project.

BBC Economics editor Paul Mason and author (and recent Question Time panellist) Owen Jones join subversive authors and  activists Nina Power and Sanum Ghafoor to discuss the radical ideas needed to confront the bleak landscape of austerity Britain. Paul Mason also joins Sanum Ghafoor and Lindsey German to discuss why it's kicking off everywhere.

Lunchtime comedy with Josie Long

Situationist adbuster Rob Montgomery, graffiti politician Stik and Palestinian poet Rafeef Ziadah will speak and perform. TV archaeologist Neil Faulkner will be presenting a brief history of the world. Sam Duckworth of Get Cape. Wear Cape. Fly. runs a workshop on the perils of political songwriting. He will perform after Tony Benn and Roy Bailey do their sell out Writing on the Wall show and Mark McGowan brings us the latest thoughts of the Artist Taxi Driver.

There will also be live performances from Pandit G of Asian Dub Foundation and Sam Duckworth of Get Cape. Wear Cape. Fly. The Rich Mix bar and club will be serving until 1am.
Video blogger Sanum Ghafoor

Festival organiser Clare Solomon describes the day as a "fun-packed and informative day using music, multimedia and a variety of interesting formats including a 'tweet-out', Augusto Boal's Theatre of the Oppressed, lunchtime comedy from Josie Long, a guerrilla film workshop, an exclusive 'free shop', live graffiti walls and much more."

Book now online or phone 0207 613 7498 as tickets are selling fast and space is limited.

Tickets are £10/£ £5 concessions: http://www.richmix.org.uk/whats-on/event/the-festival-of-dangerous-ideas/

The event is organised jointly by Counterfire, ISG, Verso and the Rich Mix.'

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Saturday, 25 February 2012

Get Political: why read Luxemburg, Trotsky and Lenin today?

Ours is a time of multiple crises generated by global capitalism. It is a time of global resistance, occupation, and insurgency. It is a time to connect with the ideas of Luxemburg, Trotsky, and Lenin – a critical-minded engagement with revolutionary resources, based on past revolutionary experience, as we consider future action for social change.

New waves of young activists are compelled to become radical – going to the root of today’s problems, demanding a shift of power in society from the super-wealthy 1% to the increasingly hard-pressed 99%.

It will not be a simple thing to win the battle of democracy, to create a world in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. The problems we face have been more than two centuries in the making. 

Millions of people, generation after generation, have engaged in revolutionary struggles for basic human rights and dignity – liberty and justice for all, experiencing defeats and victories, learning and passing on an accumulation of lessons for those who would continue the struggle.

Luxemburg, Trotsky and Lenin were among the most perceptive and compelling revolutionaries of the 20th century. The body of analysis, strategy and tactics to which they contributed was inseparable from the mass struggles of their time. Critically engaging with their ideas can enrich the thinking and practical activity of those involved in today’s and tomorrow’s struggles for a better world.

A global activist collective – multiple individuals exploring texts on how to understand and change the world, proliferating study groups connecting revolutionary theory with the struggles of today and tomorrow – reaching out to the rest of the 99%, can have a powerful impact for social change.

It is time, in the most revolutionary sense, to get political.

The statement has been issued by the signatories below - find out more about them here.

Learn more about the initiative, and check out some great resources (study material, slide shows, sample chapters), at this new website.


Wednesday, 22 February 2012

No to foreign intervention - Syria's people must shape its future


Every night on the TV news and every day in the mainstream press the public in Britain are being assailed from the most unlikely quarters with demands for sympathy for the Syrian people. Hilary Clinton is weeping tears for the martyrs of Homs. British Foreign Secretary William Hague is desperate to avenge those who have lost their lives fighting the Assad regime.

The Daily Telegraph, the house journal of the Tory Party, is promoting a revolution. The Sun for the first time in its history is looking forward to an insurrection.

Of course none of this is because the political establishment actually wants a strong, successful, politically independent opposition that can mount a successful revolution in Syria. On the contrary what they want to do is to harness popular sympathy for the revolutionaries to the project of military intervention by the Western powers.

What they want is a Syrian opposition that is dependent on the West’s military might. They want to work on divisions within the Syrian opposition so that they can promote their own clients, just as they did in Libya.

So let us ask ourselves if the end to which the establishment is using the widespread sympathy for the Arab revolutions, military intervention, would actually help the Syrian people.

Read the full article here.

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Guernica: 'without mercy, with system'

'26 April 1937. The Nazi Luftwaffe backed Franco's fascists with the first ever carpet bombing of an undefended civilian target, Guernica. This atrocity horrified the world and helped to shift public opinion behind the Spanish Republican cause.
 
George Steer's eyewitness acount in The Times described what he saw as 'without mercy, with system', words that remain tragically pertinent to the bloody legacy of carpet bombing in conflicts ever since.'
 
Philosophy Football's anniversary T-shirt, reflecting Picasso's famous painting, bears witness to Guernica and is available from here
 
See Counterfire's competition to win the T-shirt here.
 
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Friday, 17 February 2012

Owen Jones in Newcastle - Coalition of Resistance public meeting

Protesting against cuts in Greece

Crisis in the UK, Crisis in the Eurozone... Austerity Isn't Working: What Is The Alternative?

Wednesday 14th March at 7pm - Newcastle Arts Centre (The Black Swan), 67 Westgate Rd, Newcastle

Free entry - no advance booking necessary.

Chaired by Newcastle councillor Dipu Ahad. Speakers include author and activist Owen Jones and Lindsey German (Coalition of Resistance), with time for questions and discussion. Free entry - no advance booking necessary.

Organised by Coalition of Resistance and supported by UCU Northern Region, Gateshead Unison, Labour Representation Committee, Youth Fight for Jobs, London Progressive Journal and People's Bookshop Durham.

'The government claims the cuts are unavoidable because the welfare state has been too generous. This is nonsense. Ordinary people are being forced to pay for the bankers' profligacy. An alternative budget would raise revenue by increasing tax for the rich, plugging tax loopholes, withdrawing troops from Afghanistan and cancelling the Trident replacement.’

- Tony Benn, president, Coalition of Resistance


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Thursday, 16 February 2012

Is Norman Finkelstein right to criticise the BDS movement?


A lot of online heat has been generated by Norman Finkelstein's disparaging comments about the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. The American writer and scholar is well-established as a critic of Israel and supporter of the Palestinian cause. It has therefore come as a surprise to activists to hear him describe the BDS movement as a 'cult'.

What is especially regrettable is the ammunition it has handed excitable supporters of Zionism, who are now crowing that even a pro-Palestinian writer has 'admitted' the 'ugly truth' about the BDS movement. Finkelstein knows enough about the dirty tricks of pro-Israeli propagandists to be aware of how his comments would be manipulated.

The 'cult' comment is offensive and appears to have been a 'heat of the moment' error. It has, inevitably, triggered a lot of denunciation of Finkelstein among pro-Palestinian activists. I don't, however, think it is especially constructive for offended activists to treat Finkelstein as a pariah. There's also a danger of that four-letter word obscuring the actual arguments that Finkelstein has, however incoherenty, expressed.

These arguments are wrong, but they are worth engaging with. The substance of Finkelstein's critique has two main elements, both of which reflect an essentially conservative position on Palestinian politics. Before commenting on these, I should note that Finkelstein is justifiably fiercely critical of the Palestinian Authority, as well as an uncompromising opponent of Israeli aggression and systematic abuses of human rights.

This debate really concerns differences of opinion among supporters of the Palestinian cause. Finkelstein has also made it clear he isn't actually opposed to BDS practices; rather, he rejects BDS as a central strategy for the Palestine solidarity movement.

Nonetheless, in two important respects he holds positions that lead him to misguided criticism of BDS. Firstly, Finkelstein supports a 'two-state solution' and argues the BDS movement is based on advocating a 'one-state solution'. This is an important difference concerning political analysis and solutions.

Secondly, he differs from the BDS movement on the question of political strategy for the solidarity movement. The BDS movement doesn't propose that BDS is the only approach, but it does (correctly in my view) give it central importance in promoting international solidarity. Finkelstein argues, by contrast, that our main tactic should be to articulate the langauge of 'law', for example raising awareness of the ways in which Israeli actions violate international law.

There is a connection between these two elements. Put crudely: acceptance of Israel's 'right to exist' (and rejection of a one-state solution) encourages an emphasis on opposing specific vilolations of international law by Israel, but without challenging Israeli occupation of Palestinian land at a deeper level.

These comments from last year give a strong sense of Finkelstein's views on BDS.



Before responding, let's quickly re-cap the BDS case. Ben White puts the arguments eloquently here. The call for an international BDS movement originates with Palestinian civil society. It is therefore compatible with Palestinians' own struggles, and provides them with practical and political support. It is truly international as well as ongoing and sustained, rather than dependent on responding to particular events. The wide-ranging nature of BDS - academic, cultural, economic etc - means it is inclusive and far-reaching.

BDS combines making an economic and political impact on Israel with awareness-raising, as well as helping de-legitimise Israeli occupation among millions of people. It links argument and action. As White puts it (in the context of higher education, but the point applies more broadly): 'BDS educates. Palestine solidarity actions, including those using the tactics of boycott and divestment, stimulate debate and discussion on campus, and provide an invaluable opportunity to increase awareness about the facts on the ground.'

South African apartheid is generally cited as the precedent for BDS. The anti-apartheid movement internationally exerted pressure on South Africa through similar campaigns, ranging from individuals participating in consumer boycotts to demands for government-level action. This pressure combined with the collective resistance of black South Africans themselves. However futile such action may have sometimes seemed at times, in the long term it played a huge and positive role in ending a racist regime. 

So, is Finkelstein correct to say that BDS depends upon advocacy of a one-state solution? No. People get involved in BDS campaigns regardless of their views on solutions. What is true, though, is that BDS is simultaneously broad and radical.

The logic of BDS is to challenge Israel at a systemic level: its three stated aims are 'ending the military occupation, equality for Palestinians inside Israel, the right of Palestinian refugees to their homes and properties.' The second of these is clearly compatible with those who advocate a two-state solution - it presupposes the existence of Israel - although many of us would say Israeli society is structurally incapable of actually granting such equality. But what's really vital here is that the overall effect is to broaden our horizons from simply criticising particular violations. The movement's aims point to the systematic nature of the oppression of Palestinians.

They also serve to unite the Palestinian people. Notice that between them the aims encompass those living under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza, Palestinians within Israel and the vast Palestinian diaspora. This breadth directly cuts against the divisions fostered by the Oslo process in the 1990s, which promoted the idea of the occupied territories as a separate issue from Palestinians living inside Israeli borders - and from the Palestinian refugees. BDS therefore re-inforces pressure for unity of the Palestinian people, supported by an international movement.

Finkelstein is therefore distancing himself from those of us who challenge the existence of a colonial settler state built on stolen land and the forcible expulsion of those who lived there. He is determined to rebuff any argument that, ultimately, only a single secular state in historic Palestine can remove the systematic oppression that has always accompanied Israel.

This leads on to the issue of political strategy. There is nothing inherently wrong with appealing to notions of international law. Indeed it is part of the tactical armoury of the whole movement. But Finkelstein's argument - that deploying the rhetoric of upholding international law should be our central task - is wrong.

It seems to me that it is naive on a purely pragmatic level. Finkelstein's conviction that the vast majority of people will be galavanised to support Palestinian rights by an appeal to 'law' isn't supported by the evidence. There are numerous other ways of raising awareness and articulating the arguments.

More seriously, however, it is founded on support for a two-state solution - on a fatalistic acceptance that a colonial-settler state will continue to exist. The point is merely to assert certain legal norms as a riposte to the worst elements of Israeli practice, most obviously the separation wall and the settlements which clearly violate international law.

We need sustained campaigning against these particular atrocities, but a preoccupation with legal arguments is liable to limit our horizons. It's also a strange focus because most people aren't appalled by the separation wall because of its legal status: that is, for most of us, secondary to our outrage at how it divides people, restricts freedom of movement, carves up the land, treats Palestinians as second-class, and so on.

Beyond the passing online storm - generating more heat than light - we can therefore identify genuine issues that are worthy of debate and reflection. Finkelstein's rejection of BDS strategy is rooted in his political weaknesses. We need to reassert the central role of BDS in building a mass international solidarity movement and articulate the ideas which underpin it.

Note: the online video interview in which Finkelstein made his controversial comments has already been removed.

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Tuesday, 14 February 2012

Solidarity campaign to support the people of Greece


The people of Greece face an unprecedented economic and political crisis. They are being driven to poverty and mass unemployment by the demands of the so-called Troika.

Hospitals in Greece are running out of medicines, nearly half of all young people are unemployed, workers in some sectors have not been paid for months, the living conditions of pensioners are being severely attacked, and many people are forced to resort to soup kitchens or scavenge from rubbish dumps.


Now the Troika demands a cut of 23% to the minimum wage, the sacking of tens of thousands of public sector workers and further cuts to pensions which have already lost nearly 50% of their value. International capital is asset stripping an entire country and ripping apart its social fabric.

Greece is at the cutting edge of the austerity measures that are being introduced across Europe. All the evidence shows that while these measures may protect the interests of the rich, they just make matters worse for the majority of the population.

What happens in Greece today we will see in Portugal tomorrow and in Ireland the day after. In Britain, the coalition government is pursuing similar measures which will see workers' earnings reduced, see them working longer for a smaller pension, and the NHS dismantled, along with other public services.

Mikis Theodorakis, famous Greek composer of Zorba's Dance, and Manolis Glezos, veteran resistance fighter against the Nazi occupation, have issued a call for a European Front to defend the people of Greece and all those facing austerity. We have decided to support this call and work with trade unions, campaigns and parties across Europe to establish a European Solidarity Campaign to defend the people of Greece. We will organise solidarity and raise practical support for the people of Greece; they cannot be made to pay for a crisis for which they are not responsible.

Tony Benn

Len McCluskey General secretary, Unite

Mark Serwotka General secretary, PCS

Bob Crow General secretary, RMT

Billy Hayes General secretary, CWU

Michelle Stanistreet General secretary, NUJ

Manuel Cortes General secretary, TSSA

Matt Wrack General secretary, FBU

Christine Blower General secretary, NUT

Jeremy Corbyn MP

Caroline Lucas MP

John McDonnell MP

Andrew Burgin Secretary, Coalition of Resistance

Romayne Phoenix Chair, Coalition of Resistance

Imran Khan Co-chair, People's Charter

John Hendy Co-chair, People's Charter

Frank Cooper President, National Pensioners Convention

Tariq Ali

Owen Jones

Lee Jasper Black Activists Rising Against Cuts

Paul Mackney Vice-chair, Coalition of Resistance

James Meadway Senior economist, New Economics Foundation

Kate Hudson

Lindsey German

Rachel Newton Convenor, People's Charter

Sean Rilla Razka President-elect, ULU

Pete Murry Green party trade union group

Peter Allen Convenor, Green Left

Patrick Sikorski RMT

Chris Bambery

Clare Solomon Co-editor Springtime: The New Student Rebellions

Cherry Sewell Coalition of Resistance

Cat Boyd Chair, Coalition of Resistance Glasgow




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Tuesday, 7 February 2012

Some consequences of an attack on Iran

Juan Cole's 'How an Israeli strike on Iran could radically weaken Israel' is both insightful and provocative. He offers 10 possible (and inter-related) consequences from an Israeli-led attack on Iran. It's a list that draws attention to the potentially massive, far-reaching and destabilising effects of such action.

Cole speculates that Iran could retaliate by attacking any country in the region that supports Israel. Oil prices could rise and create greater economic turmoil in the West. Hizbullah might launch attacks on Israel, and Israeli forces would then destroy Lebanese infrastructure in response.

The Syrian opposition would be neutered (thus stabilising the Assad regime), there would be a strengthening of Iranian influence in the region, and Iraq would be radicalised. Many European governments would turn against Israel and the international BDS movement would gain a tremendous boost.

Diplomatic relations between Israel and both Egypt and Turkey would be shattered. In the long term there could be large-scale emigration from Israel.

Does all this mean that Israel will refrain from air strikes against Iran? Don't bet on it. It may be insane, but that doesn't mean it won't happen.

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Wednesday, 1 February 2012

Wednesday, 25 January 2012

Stop the war before it starts - #DontAttackIran

This comes via Stop the War Coalition:

STOP THE WAR BEFORE IT STARTS - EMERGENCY PROTEST THIS SAT JAN 28

Hands off Iran and Syria
2 - 4pm, US Embassy, Grosvenor Square, London W1K 2

Called by Stop the War Coalition. Supported by UNITE the Union, War on Want, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Campaign against Sanctions and Military Intervention on Iran, Friends of Al-Aqsa, Goldsmiths Student Union and SOAS Student Union. 

This is the most dangerous moment in the world since 2003. The sanctions on Iranian oil imposed by the EU on Monday are a provocation that could spark a war at any time. Iran's threats to retaliate by closing the Straits of Hormuz were answered on the weekend by US Defence Secretary Panetta saying the US would 'respond' if there was a closure and by US, British and French navy ships sailing through the Straits.

The new sanctions mark a sharp escalation in an ongoing campaign of cyber attacks, assassinations and US troop deployments in the area all designed to destabilise the Iranian regime. Such a strategy of tension isn't just deeply irresponsible. It shows the argument for war is gaining ground in the west. An article by influential US hawk Mattew Kroenig in the current edition of Foreign Affairs is headlined 'Time to Attack Iran'. His basic argument is summed up in a single subheading: 'Strike Now or Suffer Later'.

As yesterday's Financial Times pointed out, this approach is making headway. Both US Republican presidential contenders Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich favour an attack. Sections of the British establishment are now talking up confrontation. Meanwhile calls for intervention against Iran's ally Syria are also growing.

The echoes of the build up to war on Iraq are loud and clear.

If you oppose the terrible prospect of a war on Iran or Syria please join the protest this Saturday. Speakers will include Tony Benn, Lindsey German, Roger Lloyd Pack, Abbas Edalat, Jeremy Corbyn MP, Sabah Jawad, Shirin Shafie.

*****************

2) TWEET-OUT TO SPREAD THE WORD, TODAY 12 ONWARDS 

Please help publicise the protest by joining our tweet-out and facebook surge today, starting at 12 noon.

Tweet with hashtag #DontAttackIran, retweet our tweets, share links, share photos and anything else using this same hashtag. Copy us into your tweets if you like using @StwUK so we know what you want us to repost. Also please do include the Facebook event for the protest -http://on.fb.me/yR9Q3i .

If we can get #DontAttackIran trending in London it will be a big publicity boost for the protest.

Join the Tweet-out - #DontAttackIran
Invite friends on Facebook - http://on.fb.me/yR9Q3i
Follow StoptheWar on Twitter - http://twitter.com/STWuk


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